Netanyahu's Boring Speech to Congress | Opinion

The last time Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed a joint session of Congress, his appearance caused considerable strain in the bilateral U.S.-Israel relationship. Netanyahu spent most that March 2015 speech lambasting former President Barack Obama's negotiating strategy toward Iran, asserting that Washington was foolishly willing to give the Iranians too many concessions on its nuclear program and enlisted Congress as an ally to undermine the diplomatic process. Two hours later, a peeved Barack Obama addressed reporters in the White House, brushing aside Netanyahu's arguments and observing that he "didn't offer any viable alternatives."

Netanyahu didn't want to pull a similar stunt during this week's address on Capitol Hill, if only to ensure he would receive the broadest possible support from the lawmakers in attendance. Dozens of them, mostly Democrats but also one Republican, Kentucky Representative Thomas Massie, didn't want to turn themselves into human props for a Netanyahu-style campaign event and stayed away entirely. The majority who did decide to show up were satisfied with what the long-time premier said.

Why they were so satisfied is a mystery because the speech itself was unoriginal and dare I say boring. For those of us who hoped the prime minister would provide more information on how he plans to wrap up the war in Gaza and manage the Palestinian enclave once the fighting stops, the hour-long address was a massive disappointment.

Netanyahu did what he thought he had to do. He thanked Republicans and Democrats as well as Donald Trump and Joe Biden for their support to Israel throughout the years. He threw red-meat into the crowd of lawmakers by stating emphatically that "America and Israel must stand together," that "Israel's soldiers have shown boundless courage" throughout the nearly 10 month-old conflict and that when all was said and done, Israel would emerge victorious. He introduced four Israeli soldiers who were sitting in the balcony, marveling at their sacrifice and courage under fire both on Oct. 7 and during the ongoing war in Gaza. And he insisted that Hamas was, if not close to be defeated, then at least on the ropes.

Netanyahu was also extremely defensive. He essentially equated all American protesters against the war as sympathizers of Hamas and "Iran's useful idiots." He broadcasted his leadership qualities, mentioning his order to rescue several hostages in Gaza. To critics both inside Israel and around the world who allege that Netanyahu was single-handedly blocking a hostage deal from being finalized, Netanyahu reassured the room that he would "not rest" until all the hostages were back in the hands of their loved-ones. These assurance won't be much comfort to the families of the roughly 120 hostages, dead and alive, who remain in Gaza today. Some of those families wanted a clear-cut declaration from Netanyahu that the long-elusive deal will be officially signed. What they got instead were familiar talking points about how Israel as a nation and Netanyahu personally were moving heaven and earth to get them out. No specifics were offered about the state of the truce talks, why Netanyahu reportedly toughened the terms at the last minute and why his government still believes full victory against Hamas is possible despite reservations from Israel's own military officials.

We didn't learn more about Israel's post-war plans either. Who will take over control over Gaza? Who will take over the job of reconstruction? Who will police the population and provide a modicum of order to ensure Hamas doesn't rebuild its capabilities and retake power there? What role will the Palestinian Authority (PA) play in any post-conflict governing arrangements? Answers to all of these questions are about as thin as tissue-paper. Netanyahu is still betting on the plan his office unrolled in February, which gave Israel indefinite security control over Gaza, handed civil responsibilities to local Palestinians who aren't affiliated with Hamas or the PA, promoted a period of demilitarization and deradicalization with the support of Israel's neighbors, and left an Israeli-controlled buffer zone along Gaza's border with Egypt in place. As to why neighboring Arab-majority states would cooperate this scheme, the Israelis have never sufficiently explained it.

Netanyahu didn't mention the establishment of Palestinian state, a long-time U.S. policy goal in the Middle East, yet another unsurprising omission. The Israeli government isn't interested in the formulation, which they believe would reward Hamas for its gruesome acts on Oct. 7. Netanyahu's coalition isn't alone in this regard. Last week, the Knesset passed a resolution opposing a Palestinian state in principle, a testament to just how unpopular the idea has become in the Israeli political mainstream. According to the Israel Democracy Institute, 63 percent of Jews in Israel don't believe the Israeli government should agree to an independent and demilitarized Palestinian state. None of these sentiments are likely to change anytime soon.

As Netanyahu was speaking, Israeli officials as well as U.S, Qatari, and Egyptian mediators were still trying to find a way to bring a months-long negotiation to a successful conclusion. On July 19, Secretary of State Antony Blinken claimed that the diplomatic effort, which has broken down multiple times, was inside the 10-yard line. Judging by Netanyahu's address and the topsy-turvy nature of the talks, where today's optimism can be quickly trampled by tomorrow's setback, one truly wonders why Blinken and his boss, President Joe Biden, are even cautiously optimistic.

Daniel R. DePetris is a fellow at Defense Priorities and a syndicated foreign affairs columnist at the Chicago Tribune.

The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

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